19

Locke, Essay Epistle and I.i.1-4,6-8; II.i.1-8,20,23-25; ii, viii.1-6, iii-vi; vii.1-2,7-10

Sensation

 

Locke2All that I shall say for the Principles I proceed on, is, that I can only appeal to Mens own unprejudiced Experience, and Observation, whether they be true, or no; and this is enough for a Man who professes no more, than to lay down candidly and freely his own Conjectures, concerning a Subject lying somewhat in the dark, without any other design, than an unbias’d enquiry after Truth.

                                                                               – Locke, Essay I.iv.25

 

Though John Locke’s Essay concerning human understanding appeared three years after Newton’s Principia, it was not written with the views of Newton in mind.  Locke had been working on the Essay for some ten years prior to the date of its publication, and though Newton had also been working on his ideas for some time, he had not discussed them prior to publication.  As a result, by the time Newton’s Principia appeared, the main outlines and doctrines of Locke’s Essay had already been worked out.  Even though Locke described himself in the introductory Epistle to the Essay as an “under-labourer” striving to clear the rubbish of obscure and confused ideas and meaningless and unintelligible jargon out from under the feet of such giants as Boyle, Sydenham, Huygens, and Newton, such confluence as there is between his epistemology and Newton’s scientific methodology is serendipitous and not always complete (for instance, and as will be discussed in a subsequent chapter, Locke was unwilling to accept the possibility of action at a distance).  Nonetheless there is a great deal of affinity between Locke’s study of the scope and limits of human knowledge and Newton’s claims concerning the foundations of reasoning in natural philosophy.  Locke’s book could easily be read as an account of the epistemological foundations of Newtonian scientific methodology, and this coincidence was one factor that helped to advance its positive reception in the late seventeenth and the eighteenth centuries.

However, another, much more significant factor behind the positive reception of Locke’s work was its agreement with the increasingly republican and anti-authoritarian political views of the day.  Unlike Descartes, Locke was not primarily motivated to write his book on human understanding in order to provide a justification for a certain kind of philosophy of nature.  Instead, he was motivated by social, religious, and political concerns.  The introductory Epistle to the Essay contains a famous allusion to these concerns. 

 

Were it fit to trouble thee with the History of this Essay, I should tell thee, that five or six Friends, meeting at my Chamber, and discoursing on a Subject very remote from this, found themselves quickly at a stand, by the Difficulties that rose on every side.  After we had a while puzzled our selves, without coming any nearer a Resolution of those Doubts which perplexed us, it came into my Thoughts, that we took a wrong course; and that, before we set our selves upon Enquiries of that Nature, it was necessary to examine our own Abilities, and see, what Objects our Understandings were, or were not fitted to deal with. [Epistle, Nidditch 7, Winkler 1-2]

 

James Tyrell, one of the “friends” present at this famous meeting, later reported that the subject of discussion had not been any topic in natural philosophy, but rather the principles of morality and revealed religion.  It was the foundations of our knowledge of these topics that Locke was most concerned to investigate.  And Locke made no secret of the conclusions he hoped to draw from that investigation.  Rather than establish a particular doctrine beyond any hope of contestation, Locke hoped that, by clearly drawing the bounds between what it is actually possible to know and what can only be entertained as a matter of opinion he would, “prevail with the busy Mind of Man, to be more cautious in meddling with things exceeding its Comprehension; to stop, when it is at the utmost Extent of its Tether; and to sit down in a quiet Ignorance of those Things, which, upon Examination, are found to be beyond the reach of our Capacities,” avoiding “Disputes about Things, to which our Understandings are not suited” in favour of a general toleration of the contrary opinions of others (I.i.4).

For Locke, doing this was not tantamount to arguing for scepticism or discounting the efficacy of all of our knowing powers.  He considered that there are things that we can know, many of them concerning the moral matters of most concern to us.  By drawing the boundaries between what can be known and what cannot he hoped to avoid the sceptical funk that people often fall into when, having carried their researches beyond anything they can hope to achieve and gotten nowhere, they turn in disgust to the contrary opinion that nothing at all can be known.  But he also hoped to prevent people from disputing about things that we cannot hope to know for sure to be true and mount a powerful argument for toleration of the contrary opinions of others in cases where knowledge is beyond our reach and the best we can manage is to form opinions.

The general project of examining what things our understandings are and are not capable of coming to know is one that Locke found to be hindered, rather than helped, by the philosophy of Descartes.  Despite his avowedly great concern to proceed from absolutely certain first principles, and not accept anything that he could not clearly and distinctly perceive to be true, Descartes was not very reflective about his own understanding or about the other operations of his mind, such as imagining, willing, judging, and believing.  As has been noted in past chapters, Descartes never really paused to consider how he could tell a clear and distinct perception on the part of the understanding apart from a natural instinct, or either apart from a hasty judgment.  He had more or less simply helped himself to these notions, as if they were patently evident.

As far as Locke was concerned, this was tantamount to an open invitation to others to do the same, and base their most fondly cherished beliefs not on reasoning or evidence, but the bald affirmation that these beliefs are patently evident to the understanding, innately known, or divinely inspired through a special gift of Grace, illuminating the understanding with a power it could not resist.

charles_executionLocke had seen all too much of this.  He was born in 1632, when Descartes was already 36 years old, and he died in 1704.  When he was born Charles I was King of England, and during Locke’s lifetime the English civil war (1642-51), the execution of Charles (1649), the period of Cromwell’s protectorate, the restoration of the monarchy (1660), and the “Glorious Revolution” (1689) all occurred in England.  These were civil upheavals that had their roots in religious disputes.  Even more significantly, they had their roots in religious disputes between parties who appealed to the authority of direct illumination from God and of conscience to justify their positions.  During the course of the Protestant Reformation in England, a form of worship had developed that rejected all forms of Church ritual and hierarchy, from the authority of Bishops and Archbishops and even Priests to the use of statuary and common prayer books.  In place of these “superstitious” elements, the new religion focused on an intense, inward attempt to feel the presence of God, and many worshipers imagined themselves to actually be in communication with God and to receive messages and inspiration from Him. This form of worship was described at the time as “enthusiasm,” a term that today no longer carries the same technical associations with a charismatic, visionary, and intensely emotional form of religious worship that it did in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.

The natural concomitant of “enthusiastic” religious practices was a belief in the priesthood of all believers (or at least, those among them — the “Saints” — who had been elected for salvation and chosen by God to receive his Grace).  These practices and beliefs were inimical to all forms of authority, be they ecclesiastical, civil, or military.  The Tudor and Stuart monarchs in England had reacted with varying degrees of severity to the perceived threat that “enthusiasm” posed to their civil power, just as the Papacy in Rome had reacted to the broader European threat that enthusiasm posed to its ecclesiastical power.  But because of changing economic conditions, the English constitution, which required the consent of the lower house in Parliament (the “Commons”) to taxation, had ended up investing increasing power in the Commons.  The Court needed the approval of the Commons to obtain revenue.  The Commons had come to be dominated by members of violently enthusiastic Protestant sects: the “Puritans,” and the “Independents.”  Continued attempts by Charles I and his Archbishop of Canterbury, Laud, to restrain the development of the Church of England in enthusiastic directions had so inflamed the Puritan Commons that they had risen up in arms, seized power (despite having an army of “Saints” ill-disposed to recognizing the authority of their generals), deposed, and eventually executed Charles, and instituted a brief period of republican rule under Oliver Cromwell, a man who was himself an extreme enthusiast, given to “wrestling with the Lord” in an effort to receive the messages he believed God would undoubtedly offer to him as one of the Elect.  The eventual restoration of the Stuart monarchy under Charles II had only renewed the tensions, especially when Charles’s brother and eventual successor, James, declared himself a Catholic.

Apprehensive of yet more violent consequences were the enthusiastic “Country” and Episcopalian and Catholic “Court” parties in England to continue to inflame one another’s passions, friends of Locke’s such as Charles II’s one-time Prime Minister, Shaftesbury, had gotten involved in plots to prevent James’s succession.  When those plots had failed and been discovered Locke himself, as an associate of the plotters, had been forced into exile in Holland, and even had to go into hiding for fear of extradition.  He was only able to return to England after the Glorious Revolution, which resulted in the deposition of James II and the transfer of the Crown to William of Orange.  Tensions remained, as James and his Catholic successors maintained their pretensions to the Crown and managed to mount periodic, though uniformly unsuccessful attempts to invade England.

As far as Locke was concerned, all of these civil upheavals had arisen from people’s absolute conviction of the correctness of their opposed beliefs on matters of morals and revealed religion, a conviction that had fostered a spirit of intolerance and disputation that was eventually carried to arms.  And, to reiterate, as far as Locke was concerned, the philosophy of Descartes, with its uncritical attitude towards the difference between understanding, belief, faith, and opinion, had done more to invite than to remedy this circumstance.

Locke took the proper antidote to intolerance and disputation to rest with a careful examination of the powers of our understanding. Knowledge, as far as Locke was concerned, arises when we make judgments about the significance and implications of the information available to us.  For Locke, as for Descartes, this information was presumed to take the form of “ideas” that are apprehended by the understanding.  Judgments assert the existence of relations between ideas, and are made true or false by whether the ideas actually prove upon inspection to exhibit the relations affirmed in the judgment.  The limits of our knowledge are accordingly coincident with what ideas we can actually apprehend, and what content those ideas exhibit.

What was needed, therefore, was an examination of the origin and nature of our ideas.  If we could once agree on what ideas we truly possess, precisely ascertain the content of those ideas, reject those that are perhaps not even ideas at all, but merely unintelligible nonsense or meaningless words masquerading as rational thought, determine what in general can be inferred from these ideas, and determine what can and cannot be accepted on the basis faith or revelation in the absence of a clearly apprehended relation between ideas, then perhaps, Locke hoped, a way would be cleared for us to end our disputations or at least develop a more tolerant attitude to opposed beliefs.

This, accordingly, was the project Locke set himself at the outset of the essay.  As he put it, it was to “enquire into the Original, Certainty, and Extent of humane Knowledge; together, with the Grounds and Degrees of Belief, Opinion, and Assent” (Essay I.i.2).  But Locke immediately went on to propose to undertake this enquiry in a startling way.  “I shall not at present meddle with the Physical Consideration of the Mind,” he wrote, “or trouble my self to examine, wherein its Essence consists, or by what Motions of our Spirits, or Alterations of our Bodies, we come to have any Sensations by our Organs, or any Ideas in our Understandings; and whether those Ideas do in their Foundation, any, or all of them, depend on Matter or no.”  How, we might well wonder, could Locke propose to examine the origin and nature of our ideas without considering how sensory stimulation affects the brain or the extent to which ideas are the products of alterations in the matter of the brain?  For Hobbes this would have been inconceivable and even Descartes, dualist though he was, was nonetheless intensely concerned to determine how alterations in the body affect the mind and what the ideas that are present in the mind tell us about our own body and its material states.

It bears noting that, unlike Hobbes and Descartes, Locke had been trained as a physician and worked in that capacity for a part of his life.  He would have attended anatomical lectures and have had a very clear sense of the dim prospects the science of his day held out for making any progress in uncovering how sensory stimulation affects the brain or how the brain works within itself.

Rather than attempt to gain knowledge of the origin and nature of ideas by the method of observing what goes on in the sense organs, nerves, and brain, Locke proposed a rather different method: the “Historical, plain Method,” as he famously called it (I.i.2).  The “Historical, plain Method” is the method of first-person, introspective observation or reflective self-consciousness.  It begins with meditations on one’s own ideas as they appear in consciousness and then seeks to uncover the ways in which those ideas are worked up into knowledge claims by means of introspectively evident processing operations — operations that we may not always attend to, but that we can, with a bit of effort, reflect upon and observe in action within ourselves.  As Locke put it, it involves considering “the discerning Faculties of a Man, as they are employ’d about the Objects, which they have to do with” (I.i.2).  It does not really matter, Locke claimed, what physical processes first gave rise to our ideas.  All that matters is what ideas we have to start with and what we can proceed to do with them once we have them.

The “Historical, plain Method” was coincidentally paralleled by the method employed by Newton.  Newton, too, had proposed to begin with the phenomena that are manifest or evident to observation and experience, and had insisted that the method of analysis or induction to first principles ought always to precede the method of synthesis or deduction from first principles.  And just as Locke proposed to take the ideas that first arise through experience as they are given without being unduly concerned about the hidden physiological mechanisms responsible for producing those ideas, so Newton had proposed to investigate the laws in accord with which the forces of attraction and repulsion produce those motions that manifestly do occur, without being unduly troubled about the occult causes that make those forces work as they do.

However, the “Historical, plain Method” faces a challenge   one that Locke acknowledged, but never addressed and that consequently remains a persistent source of ambiguity and frustration throughout the pages of the Essay.  The method begins with introspective identification of the information originally available for us to process into knowledge claims: information that for Locke takes the form of a collection of “ideas.”  But it is very difficult to say exactly what an idea is for Locke.  At I.i.8 he defined “idea” as “whatsoever is the Object of the Understanding when a Man thinks” or “whatever it is which the Mind can be employ’d about in thinking.”  But these are ambiguous phrases that might be understood in at least three different ways.  At least some of the objects we are concerned with when thinking are naturally taken to be the objects that exist outside of us in the surrounding world.  And, as odd as it may be to speak of the external object as if it were an “idea” the mind is working with, Locke at least seems to have done so on some occasions (II.viii.8).  But when he gave examples of ideas Locke included on his lists things like colours, tastes, and smells — things which most of his early modern contemporaries had since the time of Galileo considered to have no existence outside of the body or the mind of the being that senses them.  And, as a matter of fact, Locke was fond of describing ideas in terms that suggest that they are mental images or pictures of external things — images or pictures that may not resemble their objects in all respects (II.i.25, II,viii.3, II.xi.17, III.iii.7, IV.xi.1).  However, on yet other occasions, Locke described ideas in terms that suggest that they are not any sort of object, either external or internal, but are rather actions or operations.  Locke maintained that we have ideas of our own mental operations, such as perceiving, remembering, willing, imagining, and understanding.   But the way we get these ideas is simply by “taking notice” of those operations (II.i.4).  The idea is not an image or picture of the operation.  Neither is it that very image or operation.  It seems rather to consist in the further operation of “taking notice” of the fact that one is perceiving, remembering, willing, etc.  Perceiving, remembering, willing, etc. are the objects we take notice of, but the idea of these objects seems to consist in the operation of taking notice of them.  Did Locke mean to use the term “idea” indifferently in all of these three senses, recognizing them each as a distinct phenomenon that nonetheless deserves to be lumped in with the others in a larger class?  Or was his considered view that one of the senses is primary and the others can be reduced to it?  The Essay does not say.

Whatever difficulties there may be with Locke’s project, its aim is one that merits a final comment.  Locke was out to emancipate the individual knower from the shackles of authority, just as many of his contemporaries were out to emancipate the subject from the authority of the King.  For Locke, republicanism was not just a political doctrine, concerned with rights and powers within the state, but an epistemological doctrine, concerned with the determination of truth.  Locke’s own words put it best.

 

And it was of no small advantage to those who affected to be Masters and Teachers, to make this the Principle of Principles, That Principles must not be questioned: For having once established this Tenet, That there are innate Principles, it put their Followers upon a necessity of receiving some Doctrines as such; which was to take [their followers] off from their own Reason and Judgment, and put them upon believing and taking [these purported principles] upon trust, without farther examination: In which posture of blind Credulity, they might be more easily governed by, and made useful to some sort of Men, who had the skill and office to principle [i.e., instruct] and guide them.  Nor is it a small power it gives one Man over another, to have the Authority to be the Dictator of Principles, and Teacher of unquestioned Truths; and to make a Man swallow that for an innate Principle, which may serve to his purpose, who teacheth them. [Essay I.iv.24]

 

In contrast, Locke maintained that it is the natural cognitive capacities of individuals exercised upon the things themselves that are the best judges of truth, and he took this “republican” epistemology so far as to hold that even expert opinion ought not to be allowed to determine the views of individuals — though only on matters of “probability” and at the cost of requiring that all individuals tolerate one another’s contrary opinions on such matters.

It was views such as these that made Locke’s Essay one of the most popular readings among the founders of the American Revolution.

 

QUESTIONS ON THE READING

   1.    What was the main question that the Essay concerning human understanding was written to answer?

   2.    What has so far served as the main impediment to the advancement of knowledge?

   3.    In what does the “Historical, plain Method” consist?

   4.    What are the main consequences of a failure to inquire into the limits of what can be known by our understanding?

   5.    What does the term, “idea,” stand for?

   6.    What are the two sources of ideas?

   7.    What exactly is conveyed to our minds by our senses?

   8.    What are the “originals” from which our ideas “take their beginnings?”

   9.    What evidence did Locke offer for supposing that all ideas originate from either sensation or reflection?

10.    Do we only ever experience one simple idea at a time?

11.    What makes simple ideas simple?

12.    Is it possible for us to spontaneously create ideas on our own?

13.    Do we have ideas of privations?

14.    What did Locke consider to be the likely causes of our ideas of white and black?

15.    Did Locke think it is even likely that any of our ideas could be caused by privations?

16.    What is solidity and how does it differ from hardness?

17.    Why does the mind consider solidity to be a feature even of bodies that are too small to see?

18.    What does it mean for a body to fill a space?

19.    How does the extension of body differ from that of space?

 

NOTES ON THE READING

In Book II of the Essay Locke turned to his proper project: the anatomy of our knowing powers.  There are three parts to this project.  First, Locke tried to determine what information is available to our knowing powers to work with, or, as he preferred to put it, what sorts of ideas are given to the mind.  Then he tried to determine what sorts of things we can and cannot come to know on the basis of this information.  Finally, he inquired into what things we can accept on faith or trust, even though they may be beyond our knowledge. The first of these tasks, the survey of the information available to the understanding to work with, is undertaken over Book II of the Essay. Over the course of this book, Locke identified the main sources from which we originally receive information or ideas, and what sorts of ideas we receive from these sources.  He then identified various operations that the mind is capable of performing on originally received ideas and identified various derivative ideas that result from these operations.  Over Essay II.i-viii he took on just the first of these tasks: identifying the main sources from which we originally receive ideas and what sorts of ideas we receive from these sources.

For Locke, there are three sources of ideas: sensation, reflection, and imagination.  However, imagination is not an original source of ideas.  It generates new ideas only by repeating, compounding, dividing, comparing, abstracting, and naming previously obtained ideas.  So there are just two ultimate sources of ideas, sensation and reflection.

 

Sensation.  Sensation is the most basic of these remaining two ways, but also the most difficult to understand properly.  In general, Locke thought that the ideas that arise from sensation are those we get when we observe external objects (II.i.2).  But it is important to be clear about just what this means.  For Locke, the observation of external objects is not something that we do; it is rather something that is done to us.  We are passive when receiving ideas by sensation (II.i.25).  For observation to take place, objects must first affect our sense organs.  The effects that objects have on our sense organs are then conveyed to the brain, which Locke described as the mind’s “presence room” (II.iii.1).  (A presence room was a room where a person went in order to have an audience with the Sovereign.)  Once there, the effects somehow cause the mind to have or become aware of an idea.  As Locke wrote at II.i.3:

 

when I say the senses convey [ideas] into the mind, I mean, they from external Objects convey into the mind what produces there those Perceptions.

 

The claim remains frustratingly ambiguous.  Is “perceptions” used as a synonym for “ideas,” in which case the claim would be that what is conveyed into the mind is something that causes ideas to arise in the mind?  Or are ideas the things that are perceived, so that what is conveyed into the mind is something that produces a perception of something else, called an idea?  And is anything literally conveyed into the mind or is it just the case that the occurrence of certain brain states is somehow connected with the emergence of perceptions in the mind?

At II.23 Locke defined sensation as “such an Impression or Motion, made in some part of the Body, as produces some Perception in the Understanding.”  This suggests that what is conveyed is not conveyed into the mind but only into the brain (the mind’s “presence room”).  Somehow, this conveyance has an effect on the mind, giving rise to an idea (perception) or the perception of an idea.  According to II.23, sensations are motions of body parts, not ideas.  Ideas are things perceived by the understanding.  Importantly, and far from trivially, Locke seems to have thought that the perceptions produced in the understanding are not perceptions of the very things that cause those perceptions — of the motions produced in our body parts.  At Essay II.viii.4 Locke wrote, at least speculatively, that “all Sensation” is “produced in us, only by different degrees and modes of Motion in our animal Spirits, variously agitated by external Objects,” so that “the abatement of any former motion, must as necessarily produce a new sensation, as the variation or increase of it; and so introduce a new Idea.”  But the ideas thus introduced are not ideas of motions of animal spirits.  They are, according to II.iii.1, “Light and Colours, as white, red, yellow, blue; with their several Degrees or Shades, and Mixtures, as Green, Scarlet, Purple, Sea-green, and the rest … All kinds of Noises, Sounds, and Tones … The several Tastes and Smells” as well as “Heat and Cold, and Solidity.”  On this account, sensations are not ideas; sensations are physiological states of the sensory nerves and brain that cause the mind to have certain ideas — those ideas that we denominate as ideas “of” (i.e., ideas coming from) sensation.

And just as the perceptions produced in the understanding do not resemble the sensations or body motions that cause them, so they do not — at least not obviously or necessarily — resemble anything in the external objects that affect the sense organs.  Essay II.viii.2 is once again explicit:

 

These are two very different things, and carefully to be distinguished; it being one thing to perceive, and know the Idea of White or Black, and quite another to examine what kind of particles they must be, and how ranged in the Superficies, to make any Object appear White or Black.

 

So the properties of white and black that we perceive as a consequence of sensation cannot be confidently affirmed to resemble anything that exists in the outside world, at least as far as Locke was willing to say at this point.  External objects exist in the outside world.  The ideas we receive through sensation do not even exist in our bodies or brains.  Physiological states of the sensory nerves and brain exist in our bodies and brains.  Our sense organs and brains convey something from external objects to the mind.  This conveyed item is not our ideas of colours, heat and cold, or other qualities.  What is conveyed by the senses is rather some motion or impression.  This motion or impression somehow produces ideas of colours, heat and cold, and other qualities in the mind.  So, whatever ideas may be, they are something that arises in the mind.  They are not something that is conveyed into the mind from the outside.  They are, however, caused to arise in the mind by something conveyed to the brain from the outside.  Consequently, the extent to which there is any resemblance between ideas and objects, or, for that matter, between ideas and their causes in the brain, is unclear.  Locke considered this matter later, in II.viii.7-26, the topic for the next lecture.

This is not to say that Locke had a single, clear and settled account to give of sensation.  As will be seen to have been very often the case, he was often not consistent in his views, either on this or other important matters, and was capable of speaking in ways that convey an entirely different picture.  Consider once again Essay II.iii.1:

 

Thus Light and Colours, as white, red, yellow, blue; with their several Degrees or Shades, and Mixtures, as Green, Scarlet, Purple, Sea-green, and the rest, come in only by the Eyes:  All kinds of Noises, Sounds, and Tones only by the Ears:  The several Tastes and Smells, by the Nose and Palate.  And if these Organs, or the Nerves, which are the Conduits, to convey them from without to their Audience in the Brain, the mind’s Presence-room (as I may so call it), are any of them so disordered, as not to perform their Functions, they have no Postern to be admitted by …

 

In this extraordinary passage, light, colours, and the other sensible qualities are described as things that do exist outside us and as things that are conveyed by the nerves from outside of us into the brain, in contradiction to what must in fact be Locke’s considered view of things.  Texts that will be examined in conjunction with the next lecture make it clear that he could not have meant this literally.  It must be treated as a metaphorical description — one that is particularly unfortunate for not being labeled as such and for therefore being liable to misinterpretation.  We need to beware of this.  Locke was a sloppy writer.  Just because he says one thing in one place, it does not follow that he really meant it.  We need to be sure that he did not say something inconsistent with it somewhere else.  If he did, we cannot jump to the conclusion that he contradicted himself but must sympathetically consider things in light of the entire corpus of his thought to try and sift out whether one or the other pronouncement was not intended to be taken literally and what he was ultimately trying to get at.

To return to the topic, though on Locke’s considered view ideas arise only in the mind, and are not conveyed into it from outside, it does not follow that ideas are innate.  They are not innate because they only get produced in the mind through something else being, as Locke put it, conveyed to the brain by the senses from objects.  Somehow — we do not know how — objects affecting the senses and so the brain determine what ideas are produced in the mind, so that, were those objects not to affect the senses and the brain, the ideas would simply not arise.  The mind is nonetheless so constituted as to produce certain ideas when appropriately stimulated, and this constitution is innate.  Locke had no quarrel with innate abilities and innate dispositions; though he did reject ideas and judgments that are supposed to emerge out of the constitution of the mind independently of any influence from the senses.

 

Reflection.  Locke is famous for having denied that we have innate knowledge or innate ideas, a topic to which the first book of the essay is largely devoted.  But he accepted that we have innate abilities, such as the ability to perceive, remember and imagine.  Some of our innate abilities are cognitive and some conative in nature.  The conative abilities produce desires and aversions and our other passions, and the cognitive abilities modify our ideas in various ways: by comparing them and noting marks of resemblance or difference, by compounding or dividing them, by abstracting their common characteristics, by applying names to them, or simply by attending to them and leading us to become conscious of their presence.  Once the mind acquires a store of ideas from sensation, these abilities begin to operate on the ideas.

Locke supposed that the mind’s operations are transparent to it.  It need only exercise an adequate degree of attention in order to become aware that it is performing them.  This means coming to have an idea of the particular operation it is performing.  These ideas are ideas of reflection.

It is important to stress that though the operations the mind performs may be operations it is innately enabled to perform, the ideas it forms of these operations are not innate but only discovered by experience.  This is because, unless something first happens to the mind to arouse it to perform the innate operations, it will never become aware of what abilities it has.  The mind’s abilities only become transparent to it through their exercise, and this requires that sensations first come into it and create the occasion for it to exercise its abilities.

Moreover, it requires that the individual attend to what they are doing — which is something that they need not necessarily do.  Locke remarked that many people live large parts of their lives without ever attending to their own mental operations, and so without forming distinct ideas of them, even though they perform them (II.i.7-8).  This is different from how things are with ideas of sensation.  Whereas we are largely passive in the reception of the latter, obtaining the former requires some action on our part.  We need to focus our attention in a way that is not generally required for ideas of sensation.

A further difference between ideas of sensation and ideas of reflection goes unremarked.  It has already been noted that when discussing ideas of sensation Locke stressed that the idea produced by the sensation is one thing, its cause is something else, and knowledge of the one implies nothing about the other.  Thus, “A Painter or Dyer, who never enquired into their causes, hath the Ideas of White and Black, and other Colours, as clearly, perfectly, and distinctly in his Understanding, and perhaps more distinctly, than the Philosopher, who hath busied himself in considering their Natures [i.e., the features of bodies that cause our ideas of colours].”  But it appears that, in having ideas of perceiving, willing, remembering, discerning, desiring, fearing, judging, reasoning, knowing, and so on, we are having ideas of those very operations and not of something distinct from them.  Having these ideas of reflection does not involve having an “image” produced in us by causes that may in no way resemble that image (to follow the comparison of ideas with images in a mirror of II.i.25).  It instead consists of simply “taking notice” of the very operation itself that the mind is performing.  The mind does not “take notice” of the very motions in the body parts that cause ideas of perception, much less of the qualities in objects that are ultimately responsible for producing those motions.  But its ideas of reflection are defined as “that notice which the Mind takes of its own Operations, and the manner of them, by reason whereof, there come to be Ideas of these operations in the Understanding” (II.i.4).  Locke never commented on this difference between ideas of sensation and ideas of reflection.  Indeed, he seems not to have noticed it.

Locke’s discussion of ideas of reflection has anti-Cartesian implications that he remarked on over II.i.9-19.  For Locke, the mind is not equated with the act of thinking.  It is rather described as the thing that holds ideas.  It is in principle possible that the mind could be empty of ideas (as the metaphor of blank paper at II.i.2 implies), yet still exist.  Thought, therefore, is not the essence of the mind, as Descartes supposed, and it is not necessary that the mind always think. Locke attempted to prove this empirically, by claiming that there is no thought in deep sleep, even though the mind may be supposed to persist throughout.

 

Locke’s Empirism.  Locke claimed that the two sources of sensation and reflection are the sole sources of our ideas.  Ideas that do not originate from sensation or reflection are generated by acts of mind performed upon ideas that have previously been received from sensation or reflection.  However, this is not something Locke claimed to prove with certainty.  The Cartesian idea of starting from absolutely certain first principles is one that he rejected.  But while he did not have a proof from first principles, he did think we have good evidence for this proposition.  The evidence is of two main sorts.

Locke first claimed that there are certain ideas that are obviously acquired from sensation.  He then tried to show how all of our other ideas could be derived from those that are obviously acquired from sensation.

The second of these points is one that Locke argued for over the course of Essay II.  To buttress his position on the first point, the claim that there are certain ideas that are obviously acquired from sensation, Locke appealed to our observation of children (II.i.6 and 22), of those born lacking the use of particular sense organs (II.ii.3, II.iii.1, and III.iv.11), and of those who have never had experience of certain objects (II.i.6-7 and ii.2).  Observation appears to indicate that there are certain ideas that children only acquire from experience; indeed, some of these ideas are acquired so late that we can actually remember the occasion when we first acquired them (think of the tastes of certain wines or exotic foods).  Even more tellingly, those who were born without the use of a particular sense organ cannot form any ideas of the qualities specific to that sense.  Those who have been blind since birth, for example, are unable to form any idea of colours, and even extensive discussion with those who can see is inadequate to give them any concept of what the experience of colours is like. A similar point holds for those who, while they have the use of all their senses, have never had their senses affected by particular objects.  Those who have never tasted pineapple, for example, are no more able to form a concept of this taste than someone who has been blind since birth is able to form an idea of colour.

Locke took these points to indicate that there are certain ideas that can only be obtained through having particular sense organs affected by particular objects, and that can in no way arise in the absence of those objects or in the absence of the appropriate sense organs.  Having established that much, it only remained for him to argue that all of our remaining ideas are derived from one or another set of operations performed upon these obviously acquired ideas.

 

Simple and complex ideas.  The ideas we get from external sensation and reflection may be either simple or complex.  They are simple when they “exhibit one uniform appearance” (II.ii.1), that is, when they do not look to contain more than one thing.  They are complex when they are repeated, compounded or otherwise related to one another.

Examples of simple ideas are all the individual colours in their different tints, tones, and shades; particular smells and tastes like the smell of lily or rose and the taste of sugar; noises, sounds and tones; feelings of hardness and softness, warmth and coldness, smoothness and roughness, and solidity; also the ideas we have of space or extension in general, duration in general, motion in general; and the ideas we have of the distinct acts of the mind: believing, imagining, remembering, willing, and so on.

Complex ideas can arise from modifying simple ideas by repeating, compounding, dividing, delimiting or comparing them.  For example, the ideas of shapes arise from delimiting simple ideas of space, the ideas of numbers from repeating simple ideas of numbers; the ideas of a red triangle or a turtle from compounding simple ideas or modifications of simple ideas, and the ideas of brightness or cause by comparing ideas.

Locke remarked that our “understanding” (i.e., imagination) can itself spontaneously repeat, compound, divide or compare ideas to create new complex ideas, and he also claimed that our ideas “enter by the Senses simple and unmixed” (II.ii.1).  But it would be a mistake to suppose that for Locke we receive simple ideas one after another in a stream, and that all aggregation of ideas is due to the mind.  On the contrary, in the sentence immediately following that in which he wrote that ideas enter by the senses simple and unmixed he stated that “the Sight and Touch often take in from the same Object, at the same time, different Ideas.”  It would appear, therefore, that Locke considered us to receive entire bundles or collections of ideas simultaneously through the act of perception.  He just thought that these ideas retain their individuality so that they can be immediately told apart from one another.

Simple ideas cannot be confused with one another (so they are perfectly clear) and, being simple, they have no parts (so there is nothing in them that can be confused with anything else).  The awareness of simple ideas therefore constitutes the clearest and most distinct knowledge that we are capable of.  “Nothing can be plainer,” Locke wrote, “than the clear and distinct Perception [we have] of those simple Ideas” (II.ii.1).

Over II.viii.1-6 Locke remarked on an anti-Cartesian implication of his account of simple ideas:  On his account, ideas of privative qualities like those of black, cold, or soft, are as real and positive as any others.  There is, in other words, no such thing as material falsity.  (Material falsity was discussed in conjunction with Descartes’s arguments in the 3rd Meditation and at the close of the first part of his Principles.)

For Descartes, the only “simple ideas” that are perceived with perfect clarity and distinctness are those the understanding is supposed to be able to discern through its own inner resources, without the aid of the senses.  Locke’s rejection of understanding as a distinct source of ideas led him to invert Descartes’s picture.  For Locke, what is most certain and trustworthy is what our senses first tell us about.  This includes the modes of thought (which are revealed to us by reflection) and the modes of extension (which are revealed to us by sensation), but also all the other sensible qualities — colours, weight, solidity, temperature, scent, and the like.  The “historical, plain method” is not concerned with uncovering what may be in the object that causes these ideas — whether the presence of a thing or its absence — but with investigating how that idea gets processed once it has been received. From this perspective, even if there were “materially false” ideas produced in us by nothing at all, they would have as real and positive a role to play as any other ideas.  The idea itself is not nothing, even if its cause might be.

But Locke also had problems with the notion that our supposedly privative ideas could in fact be caused by nothing.  If one idea (for example heat) is caused by a certain motion in the sense organs (say high and frequent vibration), then the opposite of that idea (cold) would be brought about by the absence of that motion (no vibration) or by a contrary motion.  But the absence of motion is not nothing, but rest, and a contrary motion is certainly not nothing.  So as far as Locke was concerned, not only is every idea real and positive, but the causes of ideas must be real and positive as well.

 

Solidity.  Locke singled out the idea of solidity for special attention, identifying it as the idea that “seems the ... most intimately connected with, and essential to body” (II.iv.1).  This is something of a startling claim if we think that the idea of solidity is an idea of sensation and recall what was said earlier about the distinction Locke otherwise drew between perceiving an idea of sensation and knowing what it is about the nature of objects that is the ultimate cause of that idea.  But there are yet more incongruous features to Locke’s account of solidity.  He maintained that it is impossible to define a simple idea of sensation.  If anyone is unfamiliar with some simple idea we are talking about, such as the colour red, all we can do is expose them to the circumstances that will cause them to have that idea.  We cannot otherwise explain what the idea is (II.iv.6, cf. III.iv.11).  Occasionally, Locke treated solidity as just such a simple idea, claiming that if anyone asks what solidity is, we must send them to their senses to inform them (II.iv.6).  This is just what we would expect if solidity is an idea produced in us by touch or the product of a tactile sensation.  As so understood solidity would be a particular feeling we experience when we run into something — a feeling that can vary from the feeling of a prick or pressure point to acute pain.  But elsewhere, Locke gave a very precise definition of solidity, something that should be impossible if it is just a feeling.  He defined it as the idea of resistance to penetration.  Supposedly, this is an idea that we get through our sense of touch when we approach a body and find that it does not allow us to enter the space it occupies.  As such, it is a far from simple idea, involving just “one uniform appearance.”  It is instead a complex made up of ideas of motion, collision, and the consequences of collision, apparently including the idea of “resistance” to compression and so the idea of what is in effect a repulsive force — a force or power to resist motion in a certain direction.  Even more extraordinarily, it is not a feeling produced in us as a consequence of tactile sensation.  It is a quality of a body that resides in that object.

Locke seems not to have realized that he was speaking of “solidity” in two different ways, as a simple and indefinable feeling produced in us by touch, and as a body’s quality of exercising a repulsive force to prevent other bodies from entering the space that it occupies.  Not surprisingly, therefore, it is far from clear how we are supposed to get the latter idea.  Does the experience of the tactile feeling somehow lead us to infer or intuit that we are encountering a body that is exercising a repulsive force?  Does the experience involve the sort of direct awareness of this quality in bodies that is involved in obtaining ideas of reflection?  Locke never said.  It is simply not obvious how Locke’s account of the idea of solidity fits with his official position on sensations as motions of body parts and ideas of sensation as perceptions of images produced in the mind as a consequence of the nerves conveying motions to the brain.

Setting this aside, Locke distinguished the idea of solidity from that of hardness.  Whereas solidity has to do with repulsion, hardness has to do with attraction or cohesion.  When the parts of a body attract one another or cohere together so strongly that they resist our attempts to move them relative to one another, we say the body is hard.  But very soft bodies, such as water, can still be solid, in the sense of resisting compression.  Locke considered hardness to be something that comes in degrees and is relative to our own strength.  The stronger we are, the sooner we can make the parts of a body move relative to one another and the softer we consider it to be.  But solidity is something Locke assumed to be absolute.  It does not come in degrees but is always entirely present.  He did not believe, as we do today, that it is in principle possible to go on compressing materials forever to produce denser and denser things like neutron stars or black holes.  Instead, like Newton, he supposed that all bodies are perfectly solid and will resist even the smallest compression.  If we are able to squeeze bodies into smaller spaces at all it is only because they are spring- or vault-shaped and so enclose void spaces.  But as soon as they are compressed so far that their parts are in contact with one another, no force in the universe would be capable of compressing them any further.  Like Newton, Locke took this to be something that is taught to us by all our experience.

 

Whether we move or rest, in whatever posture we are, we always feel something under us that supports us and hinders our further sinking downwards, and the bodies [that] we daily handle make us perceive that, while they remain between them, they do by an insurmountable force hinder the approach of the parts of our hands that press them. [II.iv.1]

 

It is in part because of this absolute nature (most other qualities come in degrees) that Locke considered solidity to be the idea that “seems the ... most intimately connected with, and essential to body” (II.iv.1).  In fact, he speculated at Essay II.iv.5 that inertial force (“impulse”), cohesion, and hardness may simply be modes of solidity.  In opposition to Descartes, he maintained that wherever we think there is some body, that is, some material thing, we also think there is resistance or solidity.  In making this claim, Locke was staking out a very different position on our idea of the essential nature of body.  Rather than say that our idea of body is just an idea of a shaped and movable piece of extension, Locke insisted that it requires something more: the additional idea of solidity or impenetrability — the idea, in other words, of repulsive force.  Remove this idea of solidity from the idea of an extended body and it ceases to be an idea of body and becomes an idea of empty space.

Thus, for Locke, unlike for Descartes, there is a distinction to be drawn between the ideas of space and of body.  The idea of body is the idea of a solid, divisible, and movable extension.  The idea of space is the idea of a penetrable, indivisible and immovable extension.  We think that bodies sit in space, which they penetrate perfectly and move through.  We think that space and all its parts are immobile, so that no part can be moved out of the vicinity of its surroundings and space itself cannot be divided or broken.

Locke justified this position on body and space by appeal to experience.  Whenever our experience supplies us with an idea of something that we consider to be a body, he claimed, we also find that it supplies us with the idea of solidity.  Descartes had tried to undermine this view with the argument of Principles II.4 and II.11, where he had claimed that if all bodies retreated from our hands when we attempted to touch them, we would still have an idea of body.  But Locke could have replied that the thought experiment only proves that we can conceive of bodies without having to conceive them to be hard, not that we can conceive of them without having to conceive of them to be solid.  Solidity is the property of resisting penetration, and if bodies retreat from our hands as we approach them that does not mean that they are not solid.  After all, as long as they retreat from our hands, the test to determine whether they resist penetration has only been confirmed, not disconfirmed.  If they were not solid, they would not retreat but would allow our hands to pass through them like mist.  Locke could have asked what would happen if there were an immovable wall just behind the bodies we reach out for.  Would they retreat through the wall?  Then there would be two bodies in one place at the same time, which Descartes would hardly accept.  Would they allow our hands to penetrate their dimensions?  Then we would not think they are bodies, but empty space. Or would they resist the motion of our hands with “an insurmountable force?”  Then solidity, and not just extension, is essential to body.

Neither was Locke convinced by Descartes’s arguments against empty space. For Locke, if you remove all solid, movable extension from a container, there will still be something, namely penetrable immovable extension, left over between its walls, and therefore the walls will not be together.

Locke reiterated these points, and supplemented them with further arguments in favour of the existence of a vacuum, over Essay II.xiii.11-27.

Locke’s position on these matters was seconded by Newton, who famously argued for the existence of an “absolute,” immovable, and perfectly penetrable space distinct from body by appeal to an experiment with a rotating bucket of water (Matthews, 139-146).  But Locke’s attempt to justify his position on solidity by appeal to experience also has echoes in Newton’s Rule 3.  Newton had declared in Rule 3 that “the qualities of bodies [that] ... are found to belong to all bodies within the reach of our experiments, are to be esteemed the universal qualities of all bodies whatsoever,” and that is just what Locke argued: that all our experience of bodies contains an experience of solidity, or that all the ideas of bodies we get from our senses include the idea of solidity. Like Newton, Locke was holding that if our senses show us that something is to be found in all bodies then that thing must be an essential quality of all bodies.  Descartes’s thought experiments are beside the point.  Even if we could conceive bodies that are not solid, if all our experience shows us that bodies are solid — that is, if all the ideas our senses give us of bodies are ideas that contain the idea of solidity — then we must take solidity to be a universal property of body.

 

ESSAY QUESTIONS AND RESEARCH PROJECTS

   1.    Critically assess Locke’s argument for empirism, as presented over Essay II.i.5-7, ii.2-3, iii.1 and III.iv.11.

   2.    In the mid-eighteenth century the French philosopher, Etienne Bonnot, Abbé de Condillac, argued that Locke had been too moderate in his empirism insofar as he had allowed that we might be innately capable of performing certain operations on our ideas and obtaining “ideas of reflection” from reflecting on those operations.  According to the argument of Condillac’s most famous work, the Treatise on sensations, we learn to perform all mental operations through having our attention focused in certain ways as a consequence of the experience of pleasure and pain.  Study Condillac’s work and explain whether his “sensationist” reply to Locke is ultimately successful.

   3.    Locke’s position on the distinction between body and space was a controversial one, and many philosophers in addition to Descartes found it difficult to accept.  He offered further arguments for it in a chapter specifically devoted to space, Essay II.xiii.  Some of the principal arguments against the possibility of empty space were articulated by Pierre Bayle in note I of the article on “Zeno of Elea” from his Historical and critical dictionary (Richard H. Popkin, trans. [Indianapolis: Hackett, 1991], pp.377-385), with specific reference to Locke’s inability to defend his position with anything more than objections to the contrary position.  Berkeley further amplified these arguments over Principles 110-117, and in a short, Latin treatise, De motu.  Assess the strength of Locke’s case for “penetrable, immovable, indivisible extension” in Essay II.xiii in light of the objections raised by Bayle and Berkeley.